Th. Dritsas: Speech in Parliament on the bill concerning the National Intelligence Service (EYP) – surveillance – wiretapping

From the uncorrected minutes of the Parliament we read:

THEODOROS DRITSA: Thank you very much, Mr President.

Ladies and Gentlemen, I would like to assure you that the Prime Minister's Waterloo today, before all of us, this afternoon, does not give us feelings of satisfaction, much less joy. On the contrary, it gives rise to feelings of unease. Of course, it is a self-evident product of what Alexis Tsipras has aptly addressed to him, that he has chosen a dangerous mixture of cowardice and insolence in the face of this whole story, but also in his policy as a whole, and that does not create deadlocks. This is proof of that.

His disorderly flight at noon today may have many neoliberal trolls celebrating from that hour and constantly intensifying, but that's not the picture. The picture is the self-evident interpretation that the PM knows and is hiding. This begs the tragic question.

I have several decades of experience in Greek political life. I am not making arbitrary analogies. The question of which parastate governs this country is once again becoming topical and there is no brave Prime Minister to face this huge issue that has arisen and to stand up for the Greek people, the Parliament and the political parties.

You keep repeating both the Prime Minister and all of you saying «There is no proof», except that this flight of the Prime Minister is proof. But excuse me, the revelation, not by the Government, but by the European Parliament and by themselves, of the double surveillance by the NSA of the PASOK leader Mr Nikos Androulakis and the journalist Mr Koukakis, is not carabiner proof, first of all for these two, that there is something rotten in the Kingdom of Denmark?;

You planned it. Good. How? By dismissing Mr Demetriades and Mr Kontoleon. Demetriades who? The one to whom the Prime Minister had entrusted, among other things, not by decree, not by decree, because if he had done so, it would have been a carabiner of disloyalty, the duties of the Prime Minister's Office in general, which potentially, as it turns out, includes its connection with the NSA. Between Condoleon and the Prime Minister, Mr Demetriades was an intermediary. This is proof of disloyalty.

The Prime Minister has taken an oath. Condoleon has taken a lifetime oath and every other person who takes responsibility, every Minister by delegation from the Prime Minister. Where and how does Demetriades have the right to receive information from the NSA to pass on to the Prime Minister? Where and how is this not a coup d'état? From where and to what extent is this not proof of guilt and a carabineering criminal misconduct with the offence of at least disloyalty?;

And we say «there is no evidence». But, excuse me, the sources who inform journalists? Because from somewhere all these journalists of so many publications have information and they are getting the information. Well, they're getting it out. It is their duty, after all, according to the rules of journalism.

Does the government know the sources? If it does, why doesn't it go to the courts? He doesn't go to sue journalists either, but, say, the Prime Minister said he doesn't sue journalists. Someone will give those sources. Right, wrong, they know, they don't know, some people give the sources. Does the Prime Minister know? Why doesn't he go to the courts? Why doesn't he do something to the Greek people to bring this issue to the forefront and clean it up? Isn't that proof?;

Do you want more proof? Isn't the ADAE, which is on the rocks, proof? Are they agents of Syriza? The invocation of secrecy to prevent any parliamentary committee from functioning is not proof?;

And you want me to be more gentle? Apart from the case of Androulakis, Koukakis, which is carabinogenic evidence, self-evident and Demetriades, Kontoleon, should I accept all the other cases as strong nuanced evidence according to the Criminal Law? Accept them. So what? Does it change anything in relation to the responsibility of the Prime Minister and the Government? Silence.

(At this point the bell tolls for the end of the time allotted to the Honourable Member)

So this whole thing is out of institutional control. It's embarrassing and shameful when you say that society doesn't care about all this. When you deliberately and venomously and insidiously invoke national dangers, you become nationally dangerous. When you invoke the actions of Syriza, but do not dare to hold a committee of inquiry.

Mr. President, not even half a minute.

Take note. The only strong guarantee for the defence of democracy and for the control of the NSA is democratic political control and accountability by the elected government, as required by the Constitution. Everything else, potions like the law you are bringing in today, if it were a genuine wish of yours, would make some sense, but they still could not be effective without the political will of the elected Prime Minister, which does not exist.

And yet, you bring in a bill whereby you cover things up, you enhance opacity in every way. A Sargentakis is wanted.

PRESIDENT (Odysseas Konstantinopoulos): My colleague, please.

THEODOROS DRITSA: I am finished, Mr President.

A judge comparable to Sarzetakis in the Lambrakis case is sought. Things are critical. Democracy is indeed in danger and it is a national duty to defend democracy. That is the national duty in this case.

Thank you very much.