If, in his speech on Saturday evening (at the Vellideio), Alexis Tsipras was supposed to present his own governance plan and target specific social groups and voter bases, in contrast to the one the prime minister had presented a week earlier, with the press conference—which lasted about four hours— he was tasked with describing the political landscape leading up to the next election and setting out his own key issues regarding what is at stake in the election and the “day after.”.
Given all this, the goal was twofold. On the one hand, you “talk” with retirees, young people, and freelancers about the difficulties of daily life and the grim prospects that may lie ahead in the coming months (energy crisis, inflation, rising prices), and on the other hand, you’re navigating the uncharted territory of undecided voters and shifting voter preferences.
Nevertheless, There was a common thread running through Alexis Tsipras’s two appearances at the 86th Thessaloniki International Trade Fair. Perhaps for the first time, the leader of the official opposition combined political and social issues, and a firm stance on matters of principle (surveillance, democracy, etc.) with a more technocratic tone than usual. He tried to come across as more moderate than people are used to—and they probably want to– the voters and officials of the so-called hard-line SYRIZA core, to such an extent, in fact, that some described it as mild and lackluster. That, however, was obviously the goal. It was no accident, but rather the result of the strategy he intends to follow from now on —sometimes walking a tightrope—with the aim of appealing to the electorate that will determine the outcome of the upcoming elections.
Alexis Tsipras knows that His political opponent has, in fact, a lead. Not so much the polls (though that’s a factor too), but rather the initiative behind the actions that stem from the government itself and the “fund.”. Kyriakos Mitsotakis has much to offer and will do so; all he can do is make promises. Even so, however, and despite the criticism leveled at him by the government for repeating the “Thessaloniki Program”, ...what he announced in his Saturday speech was—almost paradoxically for SYRIZA—sufficiently costed. Of course, this is always accompanied by a different mix of economic policies that remains to be judged—if and when it is implemented.
Because he also knows that In the upcoming election campaign, he remains the “underdog,”, He insisted and made it clear that this is not a two- or multi-round contest, but that the decisive battle is the ballot box under the simple proportional representation system. For this reason, he clearly laid out the dilemma for supporters of cooperation on the center-left: everything will be decided at the first ballot, and the scenario of a progressive government will only materialize if SYRIZASYRIZA comes in first.
Even a narrow defeat—which, viewed from another perspective, would not be considered a catastrophic event—will almost certainly give Kyriakos Mitsotakis the leeway to strengthen the “It’s either me or chaos” and to secure a majority on better terms.
So, in order to connect more credibly with the moderate audience, it needed to engage in some bold self-criticism regarding the 2015–19 period. And it did so with the statement, “Yes, we let the middle class down.”
”The middle class was an easy target throughout the entire period of the memoranda. It suffered enormous losses, especially from 2010 to 2015. During our time in office, according to ELSTAT data, their income increased, but they also faced additional burdens. I was the first to say it: We did the middle class an injustice. But are you forgetting what we went through to keep the country afloat? Weren’t we under the memoranda during that period? Weren’t we the ones who had to finish what previous governments failed to accomplish? We did the middle class an injustice, but not by conscious choice. We had to bring the country to the end of the bailout programs. So today, we have a moral obligation to the middle class.”, he said.
In defiance even of top SYRIZA officials who speak of a “Second Time Left,” almost as if to vindicate the first, Alexis Tsipras avoided raising his voice, rejected any hint of “reconquest,” and focused on efforts to reestablish communication with the social groups hardest hit by the crisis. But, as we said earlier, and for those who, while wishing to distance themselves from the style and substance of Mitsotakis’s administration, still have many doubts about SYRIZA’s actual ability toand chart a new course.
Even the dismissive reference to the Gospel Venizelos, without unnecessary digressions, but with tact and by pointing out the “his significant political exile,”, That was his aim.
In conclusion, Alexis Tsipras presented a updated profile, more moderate and more “government-oriented,” apologetic where necessary, and assertive on the major issues of concern to society. Whether this will be enough to counter the government’s advantages (in the polls, in the media, in terms of benefits, etc.), and whether there is enough time, remains to be seen.
The energy crisis, government policies regarding it, and Europe’s response are issues that will play a significant role. The surveillance scandal is another issue that will influence the course of events, but only if there are further revelations in the near future.
What is certain is that Alexis Tsipras has taken up the gauntlet in the “one-on-one” battle that the prime minister threw down to him. After all, both of them share a common electoral goal: coming in first…
Seraphim Kotrotsos
